1987년 6월 항쟁의 성과로 이루어진 6·29 선언 이후, 전두환 정권은 대규모 양심수 사면을 실행했습니다. 집회와 관련되어 구속 수감 중이던 177명이 1차로 석방되고, 7월 특별사면 1,615명과 특별감형 512명 등 총 2,355명이 사면·복권되었습니다. 차갑고 어두운 감옥에 갇혀 있던 양심수들이 마침내 철문을 열고 거리로, 그리운 가족의 품으로 돌아오기 시작했습니다. 그러나 전두환 정권은 ‘극렬 및 용공 분자를 선별해 석방하겠다’는 방침을 내세웠습니다. 이에 전국 각지 교도소의 양심수들과 그 가족, 시민들은 강하게 반발했습니다. 이들은 ‘조건 없는 양심수 전원 석방’과 ‘정치범 수배 해제’, ‘국가보안법·집시법·언론기본법 철폐’를 요구하며 무기한 옥중 단식과 공동 투쟁을 함께 이어갔습니다. 0.7평 독방을 벗어나 자유를 되찾은 양심수들은 일상에 머무르지 않고, 스스로 조직을 꾸려 독재정권의 잔재를 청산하기 위한 투쟁에 나섰습니다. 이어 1987년 7·8·9월 노동자 대투쟁이 전개되면서, 노동자 출신 양심수들은 전국적인 노동조합 결성과 연쇄 파업, 임금 인상과 노동권 쟁취 투쟁의 현장에서 중요한 역할을 맡았습니다. 이들의 투쟁은 사회 각계각층의 모순을 해결하는 기폭제가 되었습니다. 부당한 사상 검증과 시국 사건 연루로 교단에 서지 못했던 예비 교사들은 ‘전국시국관련미임용교사발령대책위원회’를 구성하여 교육 민주화와 전원 즉각 임용을 요구했습니다. 또한 올림픽 등 국제행사를 앞두고 독재정권에 의해 삶의 터전을 강제로 빼앗긴 도시 빈민들과 함께 ‘도시노점상복지연합회’를 결성해 생존권 보장을 외치며 광장의 연대에 동참했습니다. “반독재 민주화 투쟁이 승리하는 날까지 투쟁의 대열에서 이탈하지 말자”는 김근태의 호소처럼, 양심수들의 석방은 민주화의 끝이 아니라 사회의 불평등과 억압을 넘어서는 새로운 출발이었습니다. 감옥에서 출소한 이들은 5공 비리 책임자 처벌을 위한 범국민 서명운동을 이끌고, 국가 폭력으로 희생된 열사들의 의문사 진상규명을 요구하며 장기 농성을 이어갔습니다. 이러한 움직임은 훗날 탑골공원에서 수백 차례 이어진 민가협 목요집회의 밑바탕이 되었습니다. 인권과 평화의 시대를 향해 광장의 민주주의를 넓혀간 이들, 그들이 바로 거리로 나온 양심수들이었습니다.
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1aEXIo02r5bdqLYMjm63Bu5aBl_IhpH6Z/view?usp=drive_link
Following the June 29 Declaration—which was achieved as a result of the June 1987 Uprising—the Chun Doo-hwan regime carried out a large-scale amnesty for prisoners of conscience. In the first phase, 177 people who had been detained in connection with protests were released, and in July, a total of 2,355 people—including 1,615 granted special pardons and 512 granted special sentence reductions—were pardoned and had their civil rights restored. Prisoners of conscience, who had been confined in cold, dark prisons, finally began to walk through the iron gates and return to the streets and into the arms of their long-missed families. However, the Chun Doo-hwan regime announced a policy stating that it would “selectively release only those who were not extremists or pro-communist elements.” In response, prisoners of conscience in prisons across the country, along with their families and citizens, protested vehemently. Demanding the “unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience,” the “lifting of warrants for political prisoners,” and the “abolition of the National Security Act, the Assembly and Demonstration Act, and the Basic Act on the Freedom of the Press,” they continued an indefinite hunger strike from behind bars and waged a joint struggle. Having regained their freedom after escaping their 0.7 pyeong solitary confinement cells, the prisoners of conscience did not settle for a return to everyday life; instead, they organized themselves and launched a struggle to eradicate the remnants of the dictatorial regime. Subsequently, as the major workers’ struggles of July, August, and September 1987 unfolded, conscientious objectors with a labor background played a crucial role in the formation of nationwide labor unions, a series of strikes, and the struggle for wage increases and labor rights. Their struggle served as a catalyst for resolving contradictions across all sectors of society. Prospective teachers who had been barred from the classroom due to unjust ideological vetting and involvement in political cases formed the “National Committee for the Appointment of Unemployed Teachers Affected by Political Circumstances” to demand the democratization of education and the immediate appointment of all members. Furthermore, ahead of international events such as the Olympics, they joined forces with the urban poor—who had been forcibly deprived of their livelihoods by the authoritarian regime—to form the “Urban Street Vendors’ Welfare Federation.” Together, they participated in the solidarity movements in the public squares, demanding the guarantee of their right to survival. As Kim Geun-tae appealed, “Let us not step out of the ranks of the struggle until the day the anti-dictatorship, pro-democracy movement triumphs,” the release of the prisoners of conscience marked not the end of democratization but a new beginning to overcome social inequality and oppression. Upon their release from prison, these individuals led a nationwide petition campaign to punish those responsible for corruption during the Fifth Republic and staged prolonged sit-ins demanding the truth behind the suspicious deaths of martyrs who had fallen victim to state violence. These movements laid the groundwork for the Thursday rallies organized by the Citizens’ Coalition for Human Rights and Democracy, which were held hundreds of times at Tapgol Park in the years that followed. Those who expanded the democracy of the public square toward an era of human rights and peace—they were the prisoners of conscience who took to the streets.
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1pr1Gt_dstnoAxSWucxL6JZsCJ16SG7ha/view?usp=drive_link
1987年6月抗争の成果として発表された「6・29宣言」以降、全斗煥政権は大規模な良心囚の恩赦を実施しました。集会に関連して拘束・収監されていた177人が第1次として釈放され、7月の特別恩赦1,615人と特別減刑512人など、計2,355人が恩赦・復権されました。冷たく暗い刑務所に閉じ込められていた良心囚たちが、ついに鉄の扉を開けて街へ、そして懐かしい家族の元へと戻り始めました。しかし、全斗煥政権は「過激派および親共分子を選別して釈放する」という方針を打ち出しました。これに対し、全国各地の刑務所に収監されていた良心囚たちとその家族、市民たちは強く反発しました。彼らは「無条件の良心囚全員釈放」と「政治犯の指名手配解除」、「国家保安法・集会示威法・言論基本法の廃止」を要求し、無期限の獄中ハンガーストライキと共同闘争を共に続けました。 0.7坪の独房を抜け出し、自由を取り戻した良心囚たちは、日常にとどまることなく、自ら組織を立ち上げ、独裁政権の残滓を清算するための闘争に乗り出しました。続いて1987年7月・8月・9月に労働者大闘争が展開されると、労働者出身の良心囚たちは、全国的な労働組合の結成や連鎖ストライキ、賃金引き上げや労働権争取の闘争の現場で重要な役割を担いました。彼らの闘争は、社会各界各層の矛盾を解決する引き金となりました。不当な思想審査や時局事件への関与により教壇に立つことができなかった予備教員たちは、「全国時局関連未任用教員発令対策委員会」を結成し、教育の民主化と全員の即時任用を要求しました。また、オリンピックなどの国際行事を控え、独裁政権によって生活の拠点を強制的に奪われた都市の貧民たちと共に「都市露天商福祉連合会」を結成し、生存権の保障を叫びながら広場の連帯に参加しました。 「反独裁・民主化闘争が勝利する日まで、闘争の列から離脱してはならない」というキム・グンテの訴えのように、良心囚たちの釈放は民主化の終わりではなく、社会の不平等と抑圧を乗り越える新たな出発でした。刑務所から出所した人々は、第5共和国不正の責任者を処罰するための汎国民署名運動を主導し、国家暴力によって犠牲となった烈士たちの不可解な死の真相究明を求め、長期にわたる座り込みを続けました。こうした動きは、後にタプゴル公園で数百回にわたり行われた民家協の木曜集会の礎となりました。人権と平和の時代に向けて、広場の民主主義を広げていった人々、彼らこそが街頭に繰り出した良心囚たちでした。
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1-fIXWfqE_3GIEbbr3W5vH7SuDPfy-tn6/view?usp=drive_link
在1987年6月抗争取得的成果——《6·29宣言》颁布后，全斗焕政权实施了大规模的良心犯特赦。首批有177名因参与集会而被拘留羁押的人员获释，7月又有1,615人获得特别特赦、512人获得特别减刑，共计2,355人获得特赦和恢复权利。被囚禁在冰冷黑暗的监狱中的良心犯们终于推开了铁门，开始重返街头，回到思念已久的家人怀抱。然而，全斗焕政权却提出了“将筛选并释放极端分子及亲共分子”的方针。对此，全国各地监狱的良心犯及其家属、市民们纷纷表示强烈反对。他们要求“无条件释放所有良心犯”、“撤销对政治犯的通缉令”以及“废除《国家保安法》《集会示威法》《新闻基本法》”，并持续进行无限期狱中绝食和联合斗争。 走出0.7坪的单人牢房、重获自由的良心犯们并未止步于日常生活，而是自发组建组织，投身于清算独裁政权残余的斗争中。随后，随着1987年7月、8月、9月工人大斗争的展开，出身于工人阶级的良心犯在全国性工会组建、连环罢工以及争取加薪和劳动权的斗争现场发挥了重要作用。他们的斗争成为解决社会各阶层矛盾的催化剂。因遭受不公正的思想审查及卷入时局事件而无法站上讲台的准教师们，组建了“全国时局相关未任用教师任用对策委员会”，要求教育民主化及全体成员立即任用。此外，在奥运会等国际赛事临近之际，他们与被独裁政权强行剥夺生活根基的城市贫民共同组建了“城市小贩福利联合会”，高呼保障生存权，参与了广场上的团结行动。 正如金根泰所呼吁的“直到反独裁民主化斗争取得胜利的那一天，我们绝不脱离斗争的行列”，良心犯的获释并非民主化的终点，而是超越社会不平等与压迫的新起点。出狱的人们领导了旨在惩处第五共和国腐败责任人的全民签名运动，并要求查明因国家暴力而牺牲的烈士们离奇死亡的真相，持续进行了长期静坐抗议。这一系列行动为后来在塔谷公园连续举行数百次的“民家协”周四集会奠定了基础。这些为迈向人权与和平的时代而拓展广场民主的人们，正是那些走上街头的良心犯。
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1daPuIWLatx22jWQ65j9BM1PnviQRylYU/view?usp=drive_link
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